Daviron, Benoit and Ponte, Stefano. The Coffee Paradox: Global Markets,
Commodity Trade, and the Elusive Promise of Development. New York: Zed
Books Ltd., 2005.
This book is not about coffee, it is about development. The coffee
paradox is a phenomenon in developing countries that grow coffee. In spite of
an increase in specialty coffee and consumer coffee prices, the amount of value
that reaches the farmer has actually decreased over time. The authors use
coffee to represent commodities in general and to discuss how to solve the paradox.
Coffee is a good example because it grows exclusively in the south, but
northerners are the primary consumers. In addition, there are not any crop
subsidies for coffee in more developed nations as there are for corn, for
example. Benoit Daviron is an economist and visiting scholar at the University
of California, Berkeley. His specialty is food policy and commodity chains.
Stefano Ponte is a senior researcher at the Danish Institute for International
Studies and writes on commodities trading, especially coffee, and agro-food
markets. They have written their book to recast the “development problem” for
countries that rely on commodities. The authors examine how a commodity gains
value as it passes through a global value chain. They even provide a definition
of commodity: commodities are goods in a world market where all the actors
recognize a standard of quality that is not attached to processing or
manufacturing. (xviii) They do work their way to a solution of the paradox by
the end of the book, whether or not the solution is workable is another story.
But this book IS about coffee! The authors
take us through the familiar history of plantations and slavery, comparing
coffee plantations to Mintz’s sugar plantations. They follow production through
the slave era, to coerced and indentured labor, and finally to the relatively
smaller farms of today. The book includes the story of Guatemala turning to
coffee production in 1860 after Red
fell out of vogue and the cochineal industry collapsed. The authors detail how
coffee is grown, harvested, and cleaned in the originating country. It is only
after the green coffee hits the ports of the consumer nations that the real
value accumulates. To understand the global value chain of coffee one must locate
the place and type of value added.
For Daviron and Ponte quality is the
real issue, but “evaluation of quality attributes changes historically in
different contexts.” (32) They identify three types of quality attributes that
all commodities have: material, symbolic and in-service quality. Material
quality is embedded in the product; it is usually measured in the human senses
and collectively agreed upon. Coffee’s material qualities are taste, aroma, and
appearance. Symbolic quality is not measured by human senses because it is based
on reputation. It is associated with brand names, trademarks, and geography
indicators. Coffee’s most recognizable symbolic qualities are Juan Valdez, or
Starbuck’s interior design and coffee bar. In-service quality is separate from production
and is realized at the point of consumption. For coffee the affective labor,
Starbuck’s employee or the consumer adds the in-service quality. Only tourism
can bring the in-service quality attribute of coffee back to the producing
nation. Juan Valdez functions as an attempt by Colombia to add symbolic value
in the producing nation.
There is a long discussion in the
book on how roasters mix beans from various types of coffees with coffee from
different regions. This keeps the roaster, located in consuming countries, from
becoming too dependent on any one source. However, this removes the material
quality attribute from the hands of producing nations, and makes them even more
vulnerable to drops in prices due to global overproduction. There is also a
discussion about government regulation and attempts by producing nations to
form cooperatives to control supply. Transferring the value of added quality
attributes back along the coffee value chain is the solution to the coffee
paradox. Only coffees that are marketed as “fair trade” or sold with a
geographical attribute, Sumatran or Ethiopian, are currently able to capture
some additional symbolic value. To accomplish this, Daviron and Ponte suggest a
new quality attribute that encompasses socio-economic and environmental
conditions of production. This attribute provides protection for the
environment, increases the socio-economic situation for producers, and makes
the consumers feel good about their purchases. To accomplish this, several things
must change. The dominance of the roasters must be broken and quality and brand
must originate in the producing country. Government regulation or coffee
cooperatives must control supply in order to raise prices before the product
leaves the country of origin. Finally, consumers in developed nations must be
educated about the quality, conditions, and circumstances of the coffee in its
homeland.
The authors believe that coffee, and
other commodities, can absorb this new quality attribute. They cite Appadurai
as saying, “objects can move in and out of ‘commodity status’ – that is, they
have social lives…where value is a judgment made by subjects on objects, rather
than an inherent property of objects.” (225) The value of coffee in a producing
nation can move beyond that of a random green coffee bean and encompass
symbolic quality attributes that previously were reserved for roasters and
vendors of coffee. An educated consumer will understand and pay more for socially
conscious coffee. Is this mere political correctness, or a new way of doing
business? Specialty and fair trade coffee currently make up only 1% of the market.
(219) Consumer preference has not been enough to bring about change.
Unlike chocolate, coffee is a
commodity that does not have a variety consumption forms. Like chocolate, it
begins as an agricultural product that turns into a delicious beverage. Put the
two together, and it is magic. If this new quality makes a difference for
coffee, it could surely apply to chocolate, bananas, and other commodities. However,
can this type of quality attribute survive in a capitalist system?
Mixing beans was also a way to TNC's to maintain a homogenous product when shortages inevitably occur due to what Talbot has identified as built-in boom and bust cycles arising from the unavoidable inequality of the coffee commodity chain. W/o knowing more about this work, I am hesitant to say that it would be a good companion volume to the coffee book I've nominated, but the specific analysis and defining of commodities as such is a good sign of its potential.
ReplyDeleteI did like the clarity of their definitions and analysis. That's saying a lot for me because of the economics!
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